Archive for the ‘News’ Category

Here’s How We End The Violence

One of the questions we’re asked most often is how a treaty addressing violence against women and girls can actually prevent violence. Good question. Violence prevention is complex, but over the last few decades, extensive research by universities, global institutions and NGOs have shown us which interventions curb violence. The Everywoman Treaty combines these proven interventions into a comprehensive approach we call The Whole Hand Framework.

whole handIt works like this: The hand is the treaty itself—the highest form of legislation that, through the enormous political pressure treaties create, mandates that states enact national reform, the palm. The fingers represent proven strategies—laws, training, education and services. Separately, these interventions influence various factors related to violence prevention, which often work in isolation. But when combined, the strategies work in concert to drastically lower rates of violence. In other words, strong laws would be backed by training staff in the health, justice, security and service sectors, which would be supported by national campaigns and reinforced by a legal system that holds perpetrators accountable. The treaty scales it—nation by nation, across the globe, impunity ends and rates of violence plummet.

Here’s a quick look at each intervention.

  • Revamp laws, including eliminating legislation that perpetuates violence (like laws that allow rapists to avoid prosecution by marrying their victims), and closing legal gaps (such as the US’s gap in protecting girls against child marriage).
  • Train responders. Training police officers, judges, health-care providers and others in the legal and health arena can lead to increased prosecution of perpetrators and better treatment for survivors.
  • Implement prevention education campaigns. Research shows that boys’ and men’s attitudes and actions are influenced by other men. Imagine, then, the power of national campaigns featuring male pop icons, policemen or others talking about respecting women, consent, harassment and violence. School-based programs and community-based campaigns have also been successful at reducing violence. Rates of violence also plummet when women know their rights and feel empowered to demand them.
  • Offer services. Hotlines, shelters, legal advice, job training, support groups and other services ensure survivors receive treatment and protection, and have avenues for seeking justice.
  • Contribute to an implementation fund. Nations often cite lack of funding as a barrier to implementation. Following the example of the tobacco treaty, the Everywoman Treaty calls for a global investment of $1 billion–plus USD annually, with states contributing according to their ability.

Croatian Women’s Rights Groups Band Together to Ratify Istanbul Convention

Ratification is a crucial step in creating the climate for a global treaty

In the months leading up to Croatia’s parliamentary vote on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention, Europe’s regional treaty to prevent violence against women, conservative groups launched a fierce opposition campaign. Croatia’s Bishops’ Conference, several NGOs and members of Restoring the Natural Order: an Agenda for Europe, an ultraconservative Christian network, attempted to distort the issues of violence prevention and gender identity by claiming that signing the Convention would introduce harmful gender ideology into the country and destroy Croatia’s family values.

Women’s rights advocates dressed as women from the dystopian series “The Handmaid’s Tale” to call for ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Photo: Jadran Boban

Women’s rights advocates dressed as women from the dystopian series The Handmaid’s Tale to call for ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Photo: Jadran Boban

One poster read: “I do not want to be taught at school that I am ‘it’ and not a girl” next to a picture of a girl. At press conferences, opponents repeatedly suggested that allowing for other gender identities other than “man” or “woman” would actually lead to violence because a man could say he felt like a woman, demand to use the women’s toilets and attack women. On several occasions, opponents said it was not proper for a wife to report her husband to the police.

Women’s human rights groups fought back. “We came together to explain why ratification was important,” says Sanja Sarnavka, an Everywoman Working Group member and prominent human rights activist in Croatia. The groups held protests, met with Members of Parliament (MPs), and worked with journalists to publish stories on the benefits of ratification at the forefront of the national dialogue. Sanja participated in multiple television and radio debates, and initiated a letter-writing campaign to the leaders of the Social-Democratic Party (one of Croatia’s two major political parties), signed by leaders of the most visible women’s human rights groups, explaining the importance of ratification.

Silhouettes of women killed by family members in front of parliament. Photo: Jadran Boban

Silhouettes of women killed by family members in front of parliament. Photo: Jadran Boban

On April 13, the day of the parliamentary vote, Sanja and other activists placed silhouettes of women who had been murdered by their partners or close relatives at the entrance to the parliament building to remind MPs what they were voting for or against. In the end, 110  MPs voted in favor, 30 against, with two abstentions, and the Council of Europe Convention, best known as the Istanbul Convention, was ratified.

“Ratification will hopefully encourage all women survivors to find a way out of the circle of violence,” says Sanja. “Crucially, it also means that the government acknowledges violence against women as a serious issue that needs to be addressed structurally. Ratification moves us one step forward toward creation and ratification of a global treaty to end violence against women and girls.”

 

Out In Force

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Everywoman Everywhere members were out in force at last month’s Commission on the Status of Women, an annual UN conference in New York City to promote gender equality, to share our purpose of a global treaty and ask for sign-ons. People were warm, receptive and enthusiastic—an indication that support for a global treaty to address violence against women and girls is spreading. This was evident in the number of new members who signed on as well: our numbers jumped by more than 500 to 1,836 members, in 142 nations, including 600 organizations. A huge thanks to everyone for their exhaustive work. Bravo!

As is our tradition at CSW, coalition members gathered at a coffeehouse midway through the conference. How wonderful it was to see everyone’s faces and hear updates on your work and lives. Here we share the powerful and poignant words of two members who spoke at the gathering.

Eleanor Nwadinobi, Everywoman Everywhere working group member; President, Widows Development Organisation (WiDO), Nigeria

A very warm welcome dear friends. Just before coming to this meeting, I was in the UN building sitting with a friend on a bench in the lobby when two ladies asking to join us. Of course, we invited them to sit and they immediately fished out their phone chargers. The closest socket was some meters away so they requested we move the bench closer. We agreed and the four of us proceeded to move the fairly heavy bench toward the socket. As we moved, I looked down at our hands and arms of different colours, and different muscular endowment, and what struck me was that no matter how different we are, once we have a singular, unified purpose, we can achieve our goals. In the same way that we moved furniture in the United Nations, we can shift the narrative, shift the agenda, shift the needle regarding the dignity and rights of every woman, and girl, everywhere. We have brought our different intellect, skills, expertise, experiences and stories and have woven the tapestry that is today, our global treaty on violence against women. The tapestry is made all the more beautiful by our diversity, and it is glued together by our singularity of purpose. It was so heartwarming to see our members on the cold streets of New York, and in the corridors of the parallel sessions, getting CSW attendees to sign up to bringing an end to violence against women, to sign up for zero tolerance, to sign up so that no longer would there be any hiding place for perpetrators of violence against women and girls. I look forward to going forward, just like a past political slogan of this country, we can really stand together, and say, ‘Yes We Can.’

Dr. Morissanda Kouyaté, Everywoman Everywhere working group member; Executive Director, Inter-African Committee (IAC), Ethiopia

It is an immense honor to be here among all those people who are very committed to the noble struggle for the restoration of the rights of women and girls. I would like to emphasize that we must be aware that some misconceptions must be abandoned, especially saying that we want to help women and girls for their rights; because helping someone assumes that the helper is in a better position than the person receiving the help. No! We are not helping girls and women to restore their rights; we are participating in their fight for their rights. They are the true fighters in the forefront. In this context, there is good news from Africa: The President of Guinea, Professor Alpha Condé, who held the leadership of the African Union in 2017, made great progress. Among other things, we must note his personal commitment and his appointment of some African heads of state in protecting the rights of women and girls. In this capacity, he appointed the President of Zambia, HE Edgar Lungu, as champion for the fight for the elimination of child marriage, while he himself has made great efforts against female genital mutilation. Since 2003, Africa has developed the Protocol of Maputo, which is one of most strong documents protecting women and girls. So Africa is ready for our project of the Treaty on Violence against Women and Girls. The treaty is not only justified, but above all, possible, if we continue at this rhythm of work.

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A special congratulations to Dr. Kouyaté for receiving a Lifetime Achievement Award from Break the Silence, a Guinea-based campaign that aims to eradicate female genital mutilation by2030. Dr. Kouyaté was recognized for his 34-year effort to eliminate FGM. Congratulations Dr. Kouyaté on this well-deserved honor.

 

A Global Outcry: Advocates Urge UN For A Treaty

older womanIn 2016, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Dubravka Šimonović put out a global call for submissions asking for feedback on the adequacy of the current international legal framework on violence against women.

The call for input, which was published on the Special Rapporteur’s webpage, consisted of the following five questions:

1. Do you consider that there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty on violence against women with its separate monitoring body?

2. Do you consider that there is an incorporation gap of the international or regional human rights norms and standards?

3. Do you believe that there is a lack of implementation of the international and regional legislation into the domestic law?

4. Do you think that there is a fragmentation of policies and legislation to address gender-based violence?

5. Could you also provide your views on measures needed to address this normative and implementation gap and to accelerate prevention and elimination of violence against women?

The request for input was an important step in furthering the conversation of whether a new legal instrument is needed to address violence against girls and women worldwide. But in a recent report, the Special Rapporteur published points of views from human-rights mechanisms that were against a new treaty while downplaying the response from NGOs and members of civil society who are widely in favor of new a treaty. The lack of transparency mischaracterizes the fact that people around the world—survivors, frontline practitioners, lawyers, directors and staff of local and national nonprofits—are passionate and mobilized on this topic. They want a treaty, urgently.

In fact, the vast majority of submissions from civil society (at least 230 of the 291) called for a treaty. When people respond, their voices should be heard. What follows is a summary of the responses from advocates around the world, along with excerpts of their submissions, expressing their support for a new treaty on violence against girls and women.

 

NO BINDING TREATY, NO GLOBAL PRESSURE, NO ACTION

There is no legally binding treaty addressing violence against girls and women and the absence has resulted in the lack of political will and global pressure necessary to implement current agreements. This includes CEDAW, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which is often cited a reason for not supporting the idea of new treaty.

Difference in culture is often used to justify State Parties’ resistance to implementing CEDAW recommendations, but that idea simply allows the cycle of violence against women to continue. The absence of a comprehensive, legally binding, definition of violence against women has also led to fragmented policies and legislation. As a result, State Parties do not feel compelled to focus on implementation efforts, despite persistent advocacy by a wide range of organizations and groups.

Respondents emphasized that CEDAW does not directly address violence; it addresses discrimination, which leaves “violence” open to legal interpretation. Therefore, State Parties are left to their own discretion to incorporate, or not incorporate, CEDAW, including General Recommendation 19 [and General Recommendation No. 35] into their local and national policy frameworks. This causes an irreconcilable gap in global norms and standards on violence against women.

What does this mean? Violence persists. Justice for survivors is limited, or non-existent. Families and communities suffer. Wages are lost. Local and national economies weaken. Violence against women and girls leads to an avalanche of negative consequences worldwide, affecting public health, economics, and national and global security.

“Yes there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty because there is no specific international legally binding document that addresses the gross violation

of rights that is violence against women and girls. A separate monitoring body focused on violence against women and girls can ensure all countries are upholding their due diligence and a global high standard to protect women and girls and prevent violence.” – Anne Gamurorwa, Executive Director, Communication for Development Foundation, Uganda

“Without an international mandate that obliges states to use standardized definitions, set punitive actions, provide unconditional resources for survivors, and train public and private officials on response and prevention, no serious reduction of VAWG will take place particularly in autocratic states.” – Hala El-Doseri, PhD, Aminah, Saudi Arabia

“Violence against women is probably the most democratic in its incidence, since it occurs across all boundaries of creed, ethnicity, nationality, educational status and economic strata. Since it is global phenomenon, all the more reason it should be treated not just a cultural off shoot of patriarchy, but as a crime against humanity and a gross and irrefutable violation of human right to life of dignity.” – Meera Khanna, Executive Vice President, The Guild of Service, India

“The current lack of a legally binding international legislation means governments must have the political will and drive to implement general recommendations and comments – they are not legally bound to uphold these obligations at present, so there is no accountability.” – Ruth Howlett, National Collective of Independent Women’s Refuge New Zealand

“Conflating violence against women and discrimination against women results in an inadequate or incomplete description of the legal concept of violence against women as its own human rights violation. Just like torture is better addressed in CAT than in the ICCPR, VAW would be better addressed in a separate treaty than in CEDAW.” – International Human Rights Clinic at Santa Clara University School of Law, California, USA

“Implementation of domestic policies could be greatly strengthened by a legally binding document holding governments to a specific level of account.” – Manizha Naderi, Executive Director, Women for Afghan Women, Afghanistan

 

A BINDING AGREEMENT, POLITICAL PRESSURE, THE END OF VIOLENCE

A new legally binding treaty specific to violence against women and girls will close the legal gap by creating a clear definition of violence and specific steps for addressing it. This legal tool would create a mechanism for collective global action, placing place the weight of the world behind every women’s rights advocate, lawyer and practitioner around the world working to end this violence.

Violence against women and girls is a complex and intersecting issue that requires a comprehensive, systematic approach. Using the success of the Landmines Treaty, the Tobacco Treaty and the example of Tunisia’s comprehensive new law on violence against women, a new treaty would mandate that nations take a proactive approach across all sectors. It would require:

  • Comprehensive legislative reform
  • Training responders
  • Support Services
  • Prevention education
  • Adequate funding

The establishment of a legally binding tool combined with global pressure from around the world creates a concrete solution to implementing programs, policies and standards across states.

The following 228 Everywoman Everywhere members responded to the UN Special Rapporteur’s call for submission on the adequacy of the legal framework on violence against women stating their support for a new treaty.

 

1 Anne Gamurorwa Africa
2 Fartun Abdisalaan Adan Africa
3 Selina Ahmed Asia
4 Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi Africa
5 Widad Akrawi Europe
6 Asmaa Al Ameen Middle East/ North Africa
7 Zainab Ali Khan Asia
8 Muhabat Ali Mangrio Asia
9 Naila Amin North America
10 Sana Amin Asia
11 Seden Anlar Europe
12 Ferdous Ara Begum Asia
13 Khadija Arfaoui Middle East/ North Africa
14 Carol Arinze-Umeobi Africa
15 Nadejda Atayeva Asia
16 Ruth Aura Africa
17 Naila Awad Middle East/ North Africa
18 Sama Aweidah Middle East/ North Africa
19 Adolf Awuku-Bekoe Africa
20 Alvaro Baca Latin America/ Caribbean
21 Kate Bailey North America
22 Fadoua Bakhadda Middle East/ North Africa
23 Amy Barrow Asia
24 Dr.Abdul Baseer Asia
25 Hayat Bearat North America
26 Munara Beknazarova Asia
27 Fenna ten Berge Europe
28 Miranda Berry North America
29 Vanessa Bettinson Europe
30 Charity Binka Africa
31 Zynab Binta Senesie Africa
32 Jackie Blue Oceania
33 Millicent Bogert North America
34 Abdelilah Bouasria Middle East/ North Africa
35 Petra Butler Oceania
36 Abdul Sattar Chachar Asia
37 Aabha Chaudhary Asia
38 Shazia Choudhry Europe
39 Tanyi Christian Africa
40 Vanessa Coria Castilla Latin America/ Caribbean
41 Annie Cossins Oceania
42 Dornida Cox Australia
43 Natalie Csengeri Asia
44 Paola Degani Asia
45 Manisha Desai North America
46 Visaka Dharmadasa Asia
47 Samira Djibo Africa
48 Jessica Doyle Europe
49 Sukhgerel Dugersuren Asia
50 Aliza Durand North America
51 Jo-Anne Dusel North America
52 Melvis Ebob Agbor Asia
53 Kate Edozieh Africa
54 Zine El Abidine Larhfiri Asia
55 Halah Eldoseri Middle East/ North Africa
56 Amany Elgarf Middle East/ North Africa
57 Ifeoma Enemo Africa
58 Natalie Eslick Oceania
59 Taskin Fahmina Asia
60 Dan Faull Europe
61 Evelyn Flores Latin America/ Caribbean
62 Beatrice Fofanah Africa
63 Veronique Fourment North America
64 Felicity Gerry Oceania
65 Heidi Guldbaek Oceania
66 Peg Hacskaylo North America
67 Nabila Haidary Asia
68 Michelle Hamilton North America
69 Ghada Hammam Africa
70 Claire Hammerton Oceania
71 Nabila Hamza Middle East/ North Africa
72 Raazia Hassan Naqvi North America
73 Angela Hefti Europe
74 Sara Hellali Asia
75 Caroline Herewini Oceania
76 Joyce Hewett Latin America/ Caribbean
77 Lisa Hoffman North America
78 Md. Liakat Hossain Khan Asia
79 Ruth Howlett Oceania
80 Mohammad Humayoun Asia
81 Mo Hume Europe
82 Rosemary Hunter Asia
83 Yuman Hussain Asia
84 Heather Ibrahim-Leathers North America
85 Ana Iglesias-Morel Europe
86 Matilda Ingabire Mutanguha Africa
87 Help Age International Asia
88 Sandra Iskander Oceania
89 Azra Jafari Asia
90 P.Imrana Jalal Asia
91 Kirthi Jayakumar Asia
92 Sandra Johansson Europe
93 Jackie Jones Europe
94 Talent Jumo Africa
95 Kabann Kabananukye Africa
96 Jean Kabongo Africa
97 Simi Kamal Asia
98 Gulsana Kangeldieva Asia
99 Sheena Kanwar Asia
100 Puja Kapai Asia
101 Zahra Karimi Mena
102 Stephanie Kennedy North America
103 Valerie Khan Asia
104 Hassan Khani Middle East/ North Africa
105 Hassan Khani Iurigh Mena
106 Meera Khanna Asia
107 Medea Khmelidze Europe
108 Samina Khushi Asia
109 Denise Kindschi Gosselin North America
110 Christine King Oceania
111 Sunita Kotnala Oceania
112 Morissanda Kouyaté Africa
113 Saida Kouzzi Middle East/ North Africa
114 Albena Koycheva Europe
115 Jack Kupferman North America
116 Nina Wolff Landau North America
117 Judy Lear North America
118 Ryan Lim Asia
119 Sisi Liu Asia
120 Ann-Marie Loebel Oceania
121 Sandra Lopez Latin America/ Caribbean
122 Misran Lubis Asia
123 Linda MacDonald North America
124 Shawn Macdonald North America
125 Truffy Maginnis Oceania
126 Namo Majeed Asia
127 Gulnara Mammadova Asia
128 Gladys Mbuyah Luku Africa
129 Frances McLennan Europe
130 Frances McLennan Asia
131 Nancy McLennan Europe
132 Susan McLucas North America
133 Ronagh McQuigg Europe
134 Monica McWilliams Europe
135 Fatima Mendikulova North America
136 Alexander Miamen Africa
137 Meherbano Mirzayee Middle East/ North Africa
138 Violeta Mocmcilovic Europe
139 Aleda MocMonagle North America
140 Sagrario Monedero Europe
141 NCAV Mongolia Asia
142 Suntariya Muanpawong Asia
143 Yolanda Munoz Gonzalez North America
144 Sylvanus Murray Africa
145 Virginia Muwanigwa Africa
146 Jude Muyanja North America
147 Manizha Naderi Asia
148 Hanifa Nakiryowa North America
149 Keerty Nakray Asia
150 Alice Nenneh James Africa
151 Joy Ngozi Ezeilo Africa
152 Savina Nongebatu Oceania
153 Martha Ntoipo Africa
154 Eleanor Nwadinobi Africa
155 Margaret Nwagbo Africa
156 Obioma Nwaorgu Africa
157 Laura Nyirinkindi Africa
158 Maria Pachon North America
159 Ivan David Pachon Latin America/ Caribbean
160 Shivani Pandit North America
161 Seyoung Park North America
162 Anarkalee Perera North America
163 Raluca Petre-Sandor Europe
164 Jocie Philistin Latin America/ Caribbean
165 Dushiyanthani Pillai Asia
166 Marina Pisklák-Parker Europe
167 Anu Radha Asia
168 Saira Rahman Khan Asia
169 Alina Ramirez Latin America/ Caribbean
170 David Richards North America
171 Francisco Rivera Latin America/ Caribbean
172 Lindsay Robertson North America
173 Helah Robinson North America
174 Carolyn Rodehau North America
175 América Romualdo Latin America/ Caribbean
176 Sopheap Ros Asia
177 Ratchneewan Ross North America
178 Rhona San Pedro Asia
179 Maria Montesinos Sanchez-Elvira Asia
180 Sanjana Sarnavka Europe
181 Jeanne Sarson North America
182 Andrew Saunders Europe
183 Denise Scotto North America
184 Anne Scully-Hill Asia
185 Katarzyna Sękowska-Kozłowska Europe
186 Michal Sela Europe
187 Tevita Seruilumi Oceania
188 Rashri Shamsunder North America
189 Lisa Shannon North America
190 Bhawani Shanker Kusum Asia
191 Susan Sharfman North America
192 Norma Shearer Asia
193 Hauwa Shekarau Africa
194 Shanta Shrestha Asia
195 Ramona Singh Latin America/ Caribbean
196 Joanna Smetek Europe
197 Samira Souley Middle East/ North Africa
198 Vidya Sri North America
199 Kelly Stoner North America – Tribal Lands
200 Krishna Prasad Subedi Asia
201 Orit Sulitzeanu Mena
202 Cris Sullivan North America
203 Reena Tandon North America
204 Laurie Tannous North America
205 Martha Tholanah Africa
206 Yeabu Tholley Africa
207 Whare Tiaki Oceania
208 Anne Todd Oceania
209 Safeer U Khan Asia
210 Rachel Uemoto North America
211 Zainab Umu Moseray Africa
212 Jinan Usta Middle East/ North Africa
213 Viola van Bogaert Latin America/ Caribbean
214 Natalie Wade Oceania
215 Monica Waqanisau Oceania
216 Richard Watson Europe
217 Elaine Webster Europe
218 Tim White North America
219 Liz Whiteman North America
220 Ken Willman Bordat Middle East/ North Africa
221 David Wofford North America
222 Pei Yuxin Asia
223 Farwa Zafar Asia
224 Marie Nyombo Zaina Africa
225 Association Marocaine des Droits Humains Africa
226 Centro de la Mujer Panameña Latin America/ Caribbean
227 NCAV Mongolia Asia
228 Training for Women Network Europe

 

WHO WE ARE

Everywoman Everywhere is a coalition of individuals and organizations from 141 countries advancing a global treaty to eradicate violence against women and girls. Our members include more than 1,300 frontline practitioners, advocates and survivors of violence, and more than 550 organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Vital Voices and Futures Without Violence.

Everywoman Everywhere was incubated at the Initiative on Violence Against Women at the Carr Center for Human Rights, Harvard Kennedy School. Additional research revealed that the current international legal framework is insufficient for addressing this global crisis. Gaps in the law, and the mechanisms for implementation, leave millions of women and girls with little to no legal protection against violence or the recourse to seek justice. It became clear that a specific treaty on violence against girls and women would give advocates, practitioners, and world leaders the legally binding instrument necessary to hold nation states accountable.

Download this report: Global Outcry Advocates Urge UN for Treaty to End Violence Against Girls and Women

Inside Tunisia’s Historic Bill on Violence Against Women

MoniaEALast summer, Tunisia’s parliament signed a bill that transforms its laws on violence against girls and women. The landmark legislation, which is scheduled to go into effect this month, was more than 20 years in the making, an effort led largely by the country’s strong women’s rights movement. We sat down via Skype with one of the movement’s early pioneers, Monia El Abed, a lawyer and member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers — one of four groups awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 — to learn what led to the law’s passage and what it means for Tunisian women.

Interview had been edited for length and clarity.

Welcome Monia and thank you for speaking with us. Can you explain why this bill is considered historic and groundbreaking?
It is a historic law, a landmark law because it’s the first time the national legislative body has recognized the concept of discrimination and gender violence in a bill. Not only is violence against women now in the penal code, the law is specific to women and girls. And it’s comprehensive. It defines violence precisely, whether it is psychological, verbal, or economical. And it engages the responsibility of various ministries and institutions in all areas. It forces each of them to work on protection, caring for women once they have pressed charges, ensuring the crimes do not go unpunished, and building awareness and prevention. The law was inspired by CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) in the sense that it engages the state to prevent violence, to protect women and to have an action plan to limit gender-based violence.

What work went into getting this law passed?
It was a long process that started 20 years ago. Tunisia has a very strong feminist movement and back to the 1990s, the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women had a shelter for women victims of violence and we saw what was happening and began talking about changes. Other groups formed, including the Association of Tunisian Women for Research and Development (AFTURD), and the Coalition of Tunisian Women. The specifics of this law [raising the age of consent, doing away with marry-your-rapist laws, a comprehensive approach] came directly from these women’s associations. The law is a response to all our demands.

What was your personal involvement in this work?
I was at the shelter for the victims of violence in the 1990s working as a lawyer and represented women survivors in court. Later, I moved into research and at the request of the National Office For Family and Population, I studied the verdicts in domestic violence cases, looking closely at the mindset of the judges and the manner in which they ruled.

Also, as a member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, I helped create a women’s commission. We took apart existing laws and proposed laws in favor of women. We also organized seminars and advocacy sessions.

All of this ended up being important groundwork for what happened after the revolution in 2011. One party was trying to secure power and change our constitution, threatening women’s rights, and I worked with the Ministry of Women in an appeal to ensure our rights would be included and protected in the constitution.

What enabled this law to be passed now?
Because after the revolution, women were highly mobilized. At the legislative level, reforms were already underway due to the pressure of women activists. They led the plea to have a specific law that addressed all forms of gender violence. After the revolution, we saw a lot of violence against women and we mobilized for the adoption of a law that would crack down on all such acts of violence.

Do you believe the law will affect the lives of Tunisian women?
This law permeates every level of government and society. Training on addressing violence against women is now mandated for police officers on up to the public prosecutor and judges. Awareness on violence against women will be taught in elementary school, high school and at institutions of higher education. This is a guarantee. The law institutionalizes the prevention and protection of women. Of course, the application of laws is always difficult. It requires vigilance and mobilization of civil society and strong political will. It will take years, probably, but for me the law is something crucial we now have.

Human Rights Watch mentions funding as a critical step.
Yes, this will all require massive investment. We need training, we need guidance. International organizations are already involved. They are financing the training of lawyers, magistrates, police officers and staff at various ministries. The training includes general awareness regarding women’s place in society and respect for women. This is powerful. This is a law that is not just about judicial proceedings and caring for victims. It is a law designed to change mentalities and mindsets. It includes teaching the universal principle of the rights of women.

Why did you decide to join Everywoman Everywhere?
My friend Khadija Arfaoui [another Tunisian pioneering women’s rights advocate] and I are involved in many activities on women’s rights and she told me about this organization. I am very interested in what happens in other countries, as the status of women is not specific to one nation. We must evolve collectively towards identical rights and equality for all, men and women. I liked the word “Everywhere” in your name. It asks the question, how do we create a link between women in the United States, in Bangladesh, and in Libya and other parts of the world? We have a common cause. Our project is equality for all. For this reason, I find myself joining your organization. It is research and work that is making us all richer.

FURTHER READING: New law “radicalizes the perception of violence against women.”

Treaty Framework: Notes from the Global Calls

Faces smallWhen we launched Everywoman Everywhere in 2014, the goal was to create a global legal tool such as a UN Convention or an Additional Protocol that would lead to the end violence against women and girls worldwide. Now as we prepare to launch the public campaign, we’re examining three potential treaty frameworks to determine which would be the most effective: an additional protocol to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); a new stand-alone human rights treaty; or a new stand-alone treaty with a public health frame.

Everywoman Everywhere members made the case for each framework in a call on November 27 to members of the Working Group, a collection of gender and policy experts across the globe. Summaries of their presentations are below.

 

FRAMEWORK 1: DISCRIMINATION

An additional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), housed with the UN Human Rights Office, and governed by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women 

Presented by Ferdous Ara Begum, MPA (Harvard), Member of the Board of Trustees, HelpAge International; Council Member, The International Institute on Ageing (UN-Malta) Satellite Centre for SAARC Countries; former member of UN CEDAW Committee; former Director General, Bangladesh Television; and member of Everywoman Everywhere’s Working Group, South Asia

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) addresses violence against women and girls in General Recommendations No. 19 and 35. The recommendations make clear that violence against women is a form of gender discrimination, and that states are obligated to adopt legal measures and policies to prevent violence, protect survivors, and punish perpetrators.

The Convention and the Committee have already developed legal frameworks on gender-based violence, laying a foundation for global norms that have informed domestic standards and have use to inform by women’s groups for advocacy.

Gaps in the legal framework and implementation of standards at the national level have arisen from a lack of domestic coordination between legislation, policy and social services. The gaps include: an adequate legal framework specific to violence against women and girls at the regional and domestic level; access to a legal system for women, not being there in most a cases; and lack of enforcement on the existing legal framework on violence against women and girls in most countries.

An additional protocol would address these legal and implementation gaps. The new guidelines can include language on how to achieve domestic implementation, specifically by focusing on the commitment of political will, along with steps that must be taken to enforce relevant regional and domestic frameworks.

The better approach to me is a separate, stand-alone treaty on violence against women at the global level. But an additional protocol offers a more readily available option. The well-established Convention and Committee provide an existing human rights framework in which to work, and are already working directly with states toward compliance.

 

FRAMEWORK 2: HUMAN RIGHTS

A stand-alone treaty housed with the UN Human Rights Office, and governed by a new committee created to ensure the treaty’s implementation 

Presented by David L. Richards, associate professor of Human Rights & Political Science, University of Connecticut, USA; author of Violence Against Women and the Law (Routledge 2015); member of Everywoman Everywhere Working Group, North America 

On the global calls, I spoke on behalf of the “stand-alone treaty” option. I made three general points, outlined in my speaking notes below. 

  1. Using an Optional Protocol Would be Out of the Norm of Practice

Optional protocols can function like miniature treaties. However, optional protocols (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)/Convention Against Torture (CAT) Torture/Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, etc.) are typically used in international law for purposes of communicating complaints, monitoring, and committee functions related to a legally-binding substantive right established in the main body. Even optional protocols like the second optional protocol to the ICCPR serve to better-define existing treaty language rather than create new rights. For example, the second optional protocol to the ICCPR that prohibits the death penalty is best seen as a clarification and/or extension to Article 6’s commitment to the inherent right to life.

  • Thus, using an optional protocol to CEDAW to establish a new, legally-binding right itself would be outside the norm of practice.
  • To remain in the norm of practice, one would have to truly view violence against women and girls (VAWG) as best-understood, for all legal purposes, as a form of discrimination, rather than vice versa where VAWG is an issue unto itself and discrimination is an inherent component, among others.
    • Such confusion already exists across levels of law. Article 6 of the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (1994) asserts that “The right of every woman to be free from violence includes, among others: (a) The right of women to be free from all forms of discrimination”. On the other hand, CEDAW’s General Recommendation 19 asserts that violence against women is a form of discrimination.
  1. There is Precedent for a Standalone Route

Through 1970, the prohibition against torture existed in no less than 8 pieces of international law. Yet, its usage in the 1960s and 1970s continued, unabated. So, in 1975 the UN issued a Declaration on the Protection of Persons Against Torture. In December 1977 the general assembly asked the Commission on Human Rights to draft the text of a binding treaty against torture. VAWG finds itself in a similar situation as was torture, in that its prohibition exists across a fragmented landscape of regional, omnibus international, and non-binding components of the international legal fabric.

The CAT created binding conceptual cohesion in its requirement that states create a definition of torture in their domestic codes that didn’t have to be identical to CAT’s articles 1 and 16, but had to align with their object and purpose.

  • Because laws can differ so wildly in strength and scope, the conceptual homogeneity of CAT created greater equality in determining across countries what actions against victims were to be considered what kinds of violations.
    • Empirical work has shown that states look at their neighborhoods with regards to legal standards relating to VAWG, so a standalone has a great potential to bring substantive depth to increased conformity.

CAT also imposed an obligation on states to protect against acts of torture and ill-treatment, as well as established that the passivity of public officials in situations where protection was warranted is actionable. 

  1. General vs Specific Laws

General Recommendation 19  is not legally binding. States, in general, do not regard treaty committee recommendations as legally binding. Thus, CEDAW offers no more to fighting VAWG than a general assault and battery law offers to victims in places without specific legal prohibitions against domestic violence.

One central reason specific treaties exist is to establish, in a legally-binding fashion, that certain groups of persons are at special risk of special types of injuries against human dignity. It is morally imperative, I believe, that states recognize, in legally-binding form, that the gender component of a woman’s overall identity carries significant risk that requires specific guarantees of protection. From a practical legal perspective, recent research has found that, in the context of domestic legal frameworks, specific laws against VAWG are reliably associated with both increased women’s political empowerment and better health-related outcomes. Time and again in in empirical analyses, explicit legal guarantees against gender violence have been shown to be a more-effective safeguard of women’s rights than how long a state has been part of the CEDAW framework. This is not to say CEDAW has not been helpful. It has moved the legal protections for women and girls from the realm of the abysmal. However, can it get us to the place where states have the specific, binding laws and proactive, programmatic functions that women deserve and demand? My answer would be “No, we need a specific stand-alone treaty.”

 

FRAMEWORK 3: PUBLIC HEALTH

A specific, stand-alone treaty under the World Health Organization, governed by a new committee created to ensure the treaty’s implementation

Presented by Lisa Shannon, MPA (Harvard), Hon PhD Georgetown, cofounder of Everywoman Everywhere, cofounder Sister Somalia, and author of Mama Koko and the Hundred Gunman, and A Thousand Sisters.

The idea of a specific, stand-alone treaty under the World Health Organization builds on the notion of a stand-alone treaty in general. Positioning the treaty with WHO rather than the UN’s human rights framework, though, give us tremendous flexibility to create a proactive, specific, evidence-based convention that get directly at our goal of producing measurable reductions in violence against women, on the way to elimination.

How? To begin with, human rights treaties are fundamentally “reactive”. They create a global standard and monitor whether states live up to those expectations. Framing the Everywoman Everywhere Treaty in public health terms opens the door to a proactive approach, one that lists concrete steps nations must take, rather than standards open to interpretation.

WHO has put forth one treaty so far, the Tobacco Treaty, and though tobacco and violence against women are vastly different issues, this treaty offers a template for addressing violence against women and girls. First, it positions violence against women as a broad, intersectional issue. WHO says that in order for interventions to be effective, they must occur across all government sectors: justice, security, social services and health. Imagine if a number of government offices were all simultaneously addressing violence against women as part of a legal mandate. The effect would be extraordinary.

To be clear, a public health approach would not disconnect violence against women from human rights. The language in the legal reform and education campaigns would be human rights based. Rather, a public health frame allows for those partial to CEDAW to view a new treaty as complementary to its work, rather than competitive. Removing a potential political barrier through a public health framework would hopefully create a climate of collaboration and support.

Second, while violence against women differs greatly from the health hazard of tobacco, both are framed as cultural and in the personal domain. People wondered how on earth we’d tell the Irish they couldn’t smoke in a pub. Yet over time, views changed.

The Tobacco treaty also has a clear, evidenced-based structure. It outlines six interventions proven to work in lowering tobacco consumption, including health warnings on cigarette packages, high taxes on tobacco, and public education campaigns. The clear expectations—you’ve either put warnings on cigarette packages or you have not—has helped make the Tobacco treaty one of the most well implemented treaties on record.

A new treaty would do the same: require states to enact specific evidence-based practices proven to effectively address violence against women. For example: comprehensive legislative reform. Countries that have implemented legislative reform and laws in the area of domestic violence have seen a dramatic drop in violence against women: women are 14 percent more likely to live to age 65 in nations that have domestic violence laws.

Lastly, WHO established an implementation fund for the Tobacco Treaty in which states contributed according to their ability. Funds are often one reason states give for not implementing a treaty requirement. This is a vital step that would remove that barrier to implementation.

The public health frame is new and a shift in how we’ve thought about addressing violence against women and girls in the past, but it offers the best means of moving a treaty forward. It’s politically expedient, builds on the human rights work already being done, and allows for great flexibility.

MORE: The Governing Bodies Committee outlined Governing Bodies Committee CEDAW Notes.

Have a thought or comment on these approaches? Email us at email hidden; JavaScript is required

 

 

“I Must Not Give Up”

coffee meetingCoalition members speak of the importance of a treaty

 

Everywoman Everywhere Coalition member Lilly BeSoer, Papua New Guinea, wrote those words after attending a gathering of coalition members in New York City. Members who were in town for the annual UN Commission of the Status of Women were meeting to say hello. But what was expected to be a coffee meeting became a powerful cry of global unity for a treaty. “Members shared stories of the trial and tribulation that had brought them there, spoke of the collective power we have built with this global coalition, and how ready, willing, and able they are to fight this challenging fight,” said executive director Vidya Sri. Below are a few highlights from members who spoke.

Khadija-ArfaouiLongtime peace activist Khedija Arfaoui of Tunisia held a picture of her son and daughter-in-law and told the group that the two were killed in the nightclub attack on New Year’s Eve in Istanbul. She described their deaths as an “earthquake,” yet her message was one of resolve. There is pain and challenge, but we cannot afford to lose faith, she said. I have lost my child, have seen the length and breadth of obstacles over the last 40 years, and still I stand her with all of you.

Dr-Morissanda-KouyatéDr. Morissanda Kouyate, a Guinea-born pediatrician now heading the Inter-Africa Committee on Traditional Practices. It wasn’t that long ago that the world gave little thought to the violence of FGM, female genital mutilation. No one wanted to take a meeting, no lawmaker wanted to talk. Yet with persistence, legislation was passed. Today, FGM is a crime in multiple countries in Africa. We were knocking on doors, knocking doors and we must keep knocking.

Caroline-HerewiniCaroline Herewini has been working for more than 20 years to aid her indigenous Maori community in New Zealand. She captured the spirit of our collective effort when she spoke of the treaty reached between the British and the Maori long ago. She explained that before she speaks, she pays respect to her ancestors, and that history roots her in the present. Similarly, working with respect to existing cultures and beliefs, as we are with this treaty, paves the path for peace and productivity. She noted that when the visitors came from the UK long ago, they were pulled into the existing legal framework of the Maori people in New Zealand. The local law was part of the agreement with these guests and the treaty was an agreement between equals. Equality, respect of culture, and working together are essential, Caroline emphasized, adding, we have proverb: “He aha te mea nui o te Ao”? He Tangata, He Tangata, He Tangata! What is the greatest thing of all? It is people, it is people, it is people!

The gathering had a motivating effect on all of us. It reminded us we are in this together and wanted to share that thought with all members by including a sampling of emails members sent to executive director Vidya Sri after the event.

“This treaty, now going through its arduous journey, will have learnt lessons from what was missing in the CEDAW. I believe it is going to play a significant role in eliminating the many types of violence that destroy women’s lives. At last, we are addressing the injustices that widows endure, so hidden, so neglected. Bless you all in your great work, love, Margaret.” – Margaret Owen, Widows for Peace through Democracy, England

“On this journey to a just world, there are hardships and obstacles. But there are also extraordinary stories of courage, perseverance and grit, the sweet fruits of friendship and bonding, and oases in the middle of this desert of cussedness of vested interests. Yesterday was one such oasis. “I feel blessed to be part of this extraordinary group and this amazing journey. Success then for us is not an option. It is a given.” —Meera Khanna, Guild For Service, India

“Thanks for bringing together such a beautiful gathering of hearts, heads and minds. We did not get to hear all our stories, but we definitely felt the passion that binds us together. Keep the flag flying. Excelsior!” – Eleanor Nwadinobi, Widows Development Organisation, Nigeria

“Hearing stories from the other great women have really empowered me and helped me to understand and know that I am not battling alone in my corner of the world, there are other sisters doing the same thing and we are in it together. This really motivates me to feel part of the movement and I must not give up.” – Lilly BeSoer, founder of the women’s rights NGO Voice for Change, Papua New Guinea

“Dear Heroes: I am so moved by your life and activism and stories. My heart is full and your smiles are tattooed on my soul. Be safe in your travels home. Blessings.” – Indrani Goradia, Indranis Light Foundation, USA

WHY A TREATY: Russia Decriminalizes Domestic Violence

Recent changes to Russian law demonstrate need for a treaty

 

In early February, Russian president Vladimir Putin signed legislation that decriminalized some forms of domestic violence. Everywoman Everywhere Coalition members—Russian attorney Mari Davtyan and longtime Russian activist Marina Pisklakova-Parker—share what this means for Russian women and how a treaty would help.

 

Mari DavtyanAttorney Mari Davtyan works with the Russian National Center for Prevention of Violence, also known as Center Anna, to promote women’s right, among other groups working on campaigns to end discrimination and promote human rights:

The first two months after decriminalization show us the situation with access to justice for survivors of domestic violence has become worse. Among other things, the lack of an administrative procedure permit judges dismiss cases or only fine the offenders, give them community service or up to 15 days in custody. Rights of victims are very limited. For example, victims don’t have a right or a vehicle to express complaint. Police officers claim that decriminalization has made their work more complicated and slow.

Today the first act of battery is considered an offense. A second act is considered criminal if it’s done within a year of the first offense. But even then, it remains “private prosecution.” Private prosecution means cases are not investigated by the police, the charge is not introduced by a prosecutor, and the victim is her own private counsel who must independently investigate the crime, collect evidence, and prosecute the case in court. This renders justice for domestic violence survivors completely ineffective.

Russia is a state party to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), but it often ignores its obligations under international law. Even if it did, the treaty itself is not specific to violence against women. We can only point to the recommendations of the committee that monitor implementation, which are not legally binding. Furthermore, the committee expressed its concern that cases of violence against women are a private matter. A new, global treaty would give myself, other lawyers and advocates the legal tool we lack to pressure our government to strengthen our national laws on domestic violence. It could also help ensure that women and girls who are survivors of violence have access to immediate means of redress and protection, and that perpetrators are prosecuted and adequately punished.

 

Marina-PisklakovaMarina Pisklákova-Parker is the director and founder of Center Anna, Russia’s first hotline and crisis center for survivors of domestic violence:

The change to decriminalization is also bad in terms of public perception and awareness. It sent a signal to society that domestic violence is a norm for Russia. And there is fear it increased incidents of violence, as there was an increase in the number of cases reported in some regions of up to two times.

Working on domestic violence has become more difficult for women’s organizations. In an environment of governmental neglect and an aggressive stance against addressing violence against women, the level of threat for women-activists is now higher. Women’s human rights activists always had a double threat, one from the government, and another from the conservative patriarchal part of society that resists our efforts. Now, with less legal recourse, it becomes in a way more legitimate to attack activists and women’s NGOs in the media and via threats. A treaty could help create a global climate that views domestic violence as a criminal act, not a family matter.

The Recommendations Are In!

Global approach leading to a more effective treaty

 

More than a year ago, women around the world formed committees to begin the difficult process of determining what, specifically, should be included in a global treaty on violence against women. Did it need a clearer definition of violence? A list of types of violence? How could the treaty address the implementation issues other treaties have faced? And what tools and examples could help nations better prevent violence in the first place?

The 124 women and men on the committees brought a wide-range of experience and points of view. They consisted of advocates, policy experts, practitioners, researchers and survivors from 50 countries—Sierra Leone to Pakistan, Mexico to China. “It has been all too common for treaties to be developed by a small group of people, which limits the perspectives and therefore the effectiveness of the treaty,” says Millicent Bogert, an Everywoman Everywhere volunteer who helped coordinate meetings. “An international approach is more rigorous, impactful, and even more ‘ratifiable,’ when is informed by the knowledge and expertise of women in all corners of the globe.”

The global approach adds what has been missing from past efforts: voices from the grassroots. When traditional top-down pressure is met with the force of women and men in each country pushing their governments to improve responses to and prevention of violence against women and girls, a treaty has a greater chance of being effective.

Committees met via teleconference under five umbrella topics—types of violence, vulnerable groups, life stages, prevention and implementation (see below for a full list). Members presented what they’d found digging into previous treaties and spent the bulk of their time weighing language and defining terms. What falls under “domestic violence”? What qualifies as a “conflict”? The result was a “wish list” for the treaty—17 detailed memos on what’s needed in a global treaty on violence against women.

The full 386-page document is now in the hands of the Drafting Committee, which will spend a year reviewing and integrating the key findings in to a core platform. The core platform will then be sent to 1,000 additional experts for input before official drafting begins.

A huge thanks and Bravo! for the groundbreaking work done by each member of the Expert Committees:

TYPES OF VIOLENCE: Simi Kamal (and Zainab), Pakistan; Marina Pisklákova-Parker, Russia; Ghada Hammam, Egypt; Katarzyna Sękowska-Kozłowska, Poland; Virginia Muwanigwa, Zimbabwe; Tanyi Christian, Cameroon; Cristina Ricci, Australia; Ghada Hammam, Egypt; Uuree Uuriintsolmon, Mongolia; Sopheap Ros, Cambodia; Sheena Kanwar, Singapore; Adolf Awuku Bekoe, Ghana; Valerie Khan, Pakistan; Pei Yuxin, China; Taskin Fahmina, Bangladesh; Monica McWilliams, Ireland; Jeanne Sarson, Canada; Peg Hacskaylo, USA; Dr. Denise Kindschi Gosselin, USA; Khedija Arfaoui, Tunisia; Katarzyna Sękowska-Kozłowska, Poland; Kelly Jones (Burundi), USA; Angela Hefti, Switzerland; Hauwa Shekarau, Nigeria; Anyieth D’Awol, South Sudan; Manizha Naderi, Afghanistan; Virginia Muwanigwa, Zimbabwe; Joy Ngozi Ezeilo, Nigeria; Joanna Smętek, Poland; Gaby Razafindrakoto, Madagascar; Reena Tandon, Canada; Laurie Tannous, Canada; Tanyi Christian, Cameroon; Jo-Anne Dusel, Canada; Shawn MacDonald, USA; Michal Sela, Israel; Orit Sulitzeanu, Israel; Carolyn Rodehau, USA; David Wofford, USA; VULNERABLE GROUPS COMMITTEE: Violeta Momcilovic, Serbia;  Alice Nenneh James, Sierra Leone; Debbie Gross, Israel; Reem Abbas, Sudan; Stephanie Baric , USA ; Zainab Umu Kamara, Sierra Leone; Sandra Johansson, Spain; Reem Abbas, Sudan; Heidi Guldbaek, Australia; Caroline Herewini, New Zealand; Hazel Hape, New Zealand; Ruth Howlett, New Zealand; Anne Todd, New Zealand; Dorinda Cox, Australia; Kelly Stoner, USA; Kamilia Kura, Sudan; Kabann Kabananukye, Uganda; Yolanda Munoz Gonzalez, Canada; Martha Jean Baker, England; Martha Tholanah, Zimbabwe; Gcebile Ndlovu, Swaziland; Talent Jumo, Zimbabwe; Ricky Nathanson, Zimbabwe; Erika Castellanos, Belize; Miriam Banda/Kateka, Zambia; Truffy Maginnis, Adelaide; Margie Charlesworth, Australia; Savina Nongebatu, Solomon Islands; Yolanda Munoz Gonzalez, Canada; Truffy Maginnis, Australia; Stephanie Ortoleva, USA; Cristina Ricci, Australia; LIFE STAGES, Obioma Nwaorgu, Nigeria; Azra Abdul Cader, Sri Lanka; Munara Beknazarova, Kyrgyzstan; Fadoua Bakhadda, Morocco; Anu Radha, India; Safeer Ullah Khan, Pakistan; Keerty Nakray, India; Stephanie Kennedy, USA; Margaret Owen, England; Judy Lear, USA; Patricia Brownell, USA; Eleanor Nwadinobi, Nigeria; Helen Hamlin, USA; Meera Khanna, India; Lois Herman, Italy; Asmaa Al Ameen, Iraq; Heather Ibraham-Leathers, USA; Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, Nigeria; Aabha Chaudhury, India; Sara Winkowski, USA; Ferdous Ara Begum, Bangladesh; IMPLEMENTATION, Francisco Rivera, USA; Ronagh McQuigg, Ireland; Stephanie Willman Bordat, Morocco; Laura Nyirinkindi, Uganda; Gulnara Mammadova, Azerbaijan; Vanessa Bettinson, UK; Shazia Choudhry, UK; Rhona Modesto San Pedro, Philippines; Amy Barrow, Hong Kong; Petra Butler, New Zealand; Tevita Seruilumi, Fiji; Claire Hammerton, Australia; Felicity Gerry, Australia; Karen Willis, Australia; Joyce Hewett, Jamaica; Natalie Wade, Australia; Dinah Adiko, Ghana; David L Richards, USA; Cristina Ricci, Australia; PREVENTION: Gladys Mbuyah Luku, Cameroon; Medea Khmelidze, Georgia; Margaret Nwagbo, Nigeria; Manisha Desai, USA; Zynab Binta Senesie, Sierra Leone; Lu Pin, China; Vanessa Coria, Mexico; Suntariya Muanpawong, Thailand; Halah Eldoseri, Saudi Arabia; Susan Harris Rimmer, Australia; Lisa Hoffman, USA; Sisi Liu, Hong Kong; Ann-Marie Loebel, Australia; Heidi Guldbaek, Australia; EVERYWOMAN EVERYWHERE SUPPORTING TEAM MEMBERS: Natalie Eslick, Australia; Caitlin O’Quinn, USA; Maria Pachon, USA; Seden Anlar, Turkey; Victoria O’Neil, USA; Amany Elgarf, Egypt; Rachel Uemoto, USA; Vidya Sri, USA; Millicent Bogert, USA.

 

EXPERT COMMITTEES BY TOPIC

Types of Violence: Domestic Violence, Non-State Torture, State Sponsored Violence, Trafficking and Slavery, and Workplace Violence

Vulnerable Groups: Violence in Conflict, Violence Against Indigenous Women and Girls, Violence Against Disabled Women and Girls, Inclusive groups, which focused on women and girls living with HIV/AIDS, sex workers and LBTQI women and girls

Life Stages: Violence Against Girls and Students, Violence Against Older Women, and Violence Against Widows of All Ages

Prevention: Advocacy / Rights-Based, and Training and Mandatory Education

Implementation: Implementation Assessment, Governing Bodies

Rashida’s Parting Words

June 2015 marked the end of Rashida Manjoo’s tenure as UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, and true to form, her powerful final report ends with a bold call to action: “Transformative change requires a shift in thinking as regards normativity, and it requires commitment, courage and an ethic of care that supersedes vested interests and entrenched territorial positions. Change requires the challenging of the status quo, including the continued recourse to arguments that were used 20 years ago to avoid addressing the normative gap under international human rights law. Transformative change requires that the words and actions of States reflect an acknowledgement that violence against women is a human rights violation, in and of itself and, more importantly, it requires a commitment by States to be bound by specific legal obligations in the quest to prevent and eliminate such violence.”

Click here to read the report in full

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